Posts Tagged ‘1907’
Robert E. Lee was the son of Revolutionary War Hero Henry “Light-Horse Harry” Lee. Like his father, Lee was an excellent horseman. He had so impressed Winfield Scott during the Mexican War that Lee was asked to command the Northern forces in the Civil War. However, he turned this down because he did not wish to fight against the South. When Virginia seceded, Lee resigned from the US military and took command of the Virginia’s military. He would later be given command of the Army of Northern Virginia. During the war, he was involved in many key battles including the Second Battle of Bull Run, Antietam, Fredericksburg, Chancellorsville, and Gettysburg. Read more about each of these and other Civil War Battles that Lee was involved in:
TERRE HAUTE, IND., August, 1907.
No man in America has been more hated, and few have been so much loved as Eugene V. Debs. His name is known and his face is familiar where the city of his birth was never heard of. His opinions are considered by men in high places as the countersign of bloodshed, anarchy and riot, and by millions of others they are regarded as the beacon light that is to lead humanity to a better life and a higher civilization. Whatever may be said of his philosophy, one thing is certain, that he has won a place in American history as one of its greatest orators; and in my opinion, there is not a man on the American platform today who is his equal. His is a new and different kind of oratory. He resorts to no tricks of rhetoric, no claptrap and stage effects, no empty pretense of deep emotion; but he stands frankly before his audiences and opens the doorways of his mind and heart that seem ever to be overflowing with terrible invective or the sweet waters of human kindness.
This style is very different from that of such speakers as Senator Beveridge. Mr. Beveridge’s orations on occasions and in the Senate are finished, modeled, filed and practiced. Intonation and gesture are carefully arranged to fit the sentiment. It is a piece of good workmanship. But the whole effect lacks sincerity. You feel that Mr. Beveridge is secretly using you for his personal ends. None of these elements enter the oratory of Mr. Debs, and his sincerity is almost terrible in its reality. You feel that he will tell you what he thinks regardless of consequence.
The first time I heard Mr. Debs was more than ten years ago, when I was a student at Harvard. He was booked to lecture at Prospect Union, Cambridge. This was shortly after the great Chicago strike; and a good many Harvard students and some instructors came out to see the “monster.” Mr. Debs was late; but the audience waited. When he came there was no applause. He began to speak, and for more than two hours he held that audience as if riveted to the seats; and they who had come to scorn, hovered around him for more than an hour, and went away his friends. It was more than half an hour before I could get to the speaker’s stand and shake hands with him.
The night before that he had spoken to one of the largest audiences that had ever crowded into Faneuil Hall, Boston. And so generously was his message received that, as Dr. John Clarke Ridpath afterwards told me, he feared the audience would “tear him to pieces trying to shake his hand.” Dr. Ridpath was at that time editor of the Arena and believed then that Mr. Debs was one of the most masterful orators that had ever been reared on American soil and that he had then already a secure place in American history.
The next time I tried to hear Mr. Debs was in Denver. The crowd was so great that I could not get within fifty feet of the door of the largest public hall in that city, and it was then said that up to that time there had never been such an audience in that hall.
I did, however, get to hear Mr. Debs the next Sunday, in the same city, where the day was celebrated as Debs-Day at Manhattan Beach Gardens – at that time a prominent summer garden of Denver. He spoke in the theater, and after the speech an opera was given by the splendid stock company playing there that summer. Everybody wore Debs badges and the day was generally observed in Denver as given to the great Socialist.
And Mr. Debs has gone on and on and spoken to more and larger audiences than any other speaker except Mr. Bryan, until every great rostrum in America has supported his tall figure, and the walls of every great public hall have resounded his words.
In some ways our distinguished fellow-townsman has wandered a stranger in the city of his birth. Here we have been the last to acknowledge his power and influence. We see him often, recognize him as a quiet, respected citizen, possessing those domestic virtues that all men and women admire; but the great Debs, the Debs who first arraigned the trust abuses in this country, who broke the first ground for the harvest of modern popular reforms – that Debs we have never yet recognized, nor that power of his – whatever one may think of his doctrines – which is the type that has made the names of men undying.
Excerpts from Roosevelt and the Negro by Kelly Miller
The Booker Washington Dinner
A simple act of civility on part of the President towards an eminent colored American, culled down upon his head the fires of wrath of his white brethren in the South. Dr. Booker T. Washington the consulting statesman for the Negro race, was invited to dinner at the White House. There is, perhaps, no other person in America of like standing and relation to public questions, who has not received such semi-official courtesy. But immediately a mighty storm arose. Had the President suddenly turned traitor and flagrantly violated our most sacred religious or moral code he could not have been more bitterly or blatantly denounced. That two gentlemen of world-wide reputation and of congenial temperament should occasionally sit together at meat might naturally be expected anywhere outside of the Brahmin caste. Mr. Washington is our only domestic ambassador.
He has been picked out and set up as the representative of an overshadowed nation surrounded by an overshadowing one. An ambassador usually has immediate access to the presence of the chief ruler to whom he is accredited without the intermeddling of official understrappers. Nice courtesies and high civilities usually accompany diplomatic procedure. Should the representative from Corea or Hayti or Turkey be invited to dine alone with the president at the White House the act would hardly be construed into one of social intimacy, but it would be regarded merely as a convenient opportunity to consult over some weighty matters of state. Indeed, only a few days after the famous Washington dinner a red Indian chief who had not passed beyond the blanket and feather stage of civilization was received by the president and the incident only excited curious pleasantry. Mr. Washington has mingled in close pleasant personal touch with princes and potentates of the old world and with merchant princes and money barons of the new. He is entirely familiar with high social favors. The colored race has not the slightest concern with whom Mr. Washington, in his personal capacity, may or may not be invited to dine. A man’s dinner list is his private affair. It is the prerogative of every citizen to extend, accept or decline such invitation, according to the dictates of his own taste and pleasure. But to affirm as a principle that the man who is looked upon as the chiefest among ten million, in his ambassadorial capacity, is not eligible to the established modes of courtesy, at the high court of the nation, cannot be accepted with satisfaction by any manly man of the blood thus held in despite.
These acts on the part of the president evoked the highest plaudits from the colored race. It was felt that his views were broad, based upon the fundamental principle of our institutions which accord to all classes of citizens the same official consideration and courtesy. Indeed, these laudations became so loud and fulsome that they must have proved embarrassing to one who did not pose as the special champion of an unpopular class.
Booker Washington as a Spokesman
Dr. Booker T. Washington has been chosen as [referee] at large and as the sole spokesman for the entire Negro race. His selection was not due to his political activity or experience, for the whole tenor of his teaching has been to persuade his race to place less proportional stress on politics and to concentrate its energies upon things economic and material. But by reason of his general prominence and the world-wide esteem he has put in command of political forces, to the relegation of war scarred veterans who had borne the heat and burden of the day. Othello naturally objects to his loss of occupation. Most of them have yielded, but only after they learned that the only road to official favor was the straight and narrow path that leads to Tuskegee. No Negro, whether in Vermont or Texas, whatever has been his service to the party, can expect to receive consideration at the hands of the president unless he gets the approval of the great educator. It should, in all fairness, be said that this position was not of Mr. Washington’s own seeking. It has on more than one occasion caused him serious embarrassment. It might seem that active participation in politics would impair his usefulness along other lines to which he has devoted the chief energies of his life. It is needless to say, as some are wont to aver, that Mr. Washington’s function as adviser to the president does not make him a practical political participant. The procurement of office and the manipulations incident thereto are the chief concern of the typical politician. Mr. Washington was impressed into this service on the demand of the president which no patriotic citizen feels inclined to refuse. Indeed there is no prominent Negro who would not have accepted the assignment upon the slightest intimation that he might be the presidential choice. That Mr. Washington has filled the assignment with an eye single to the best interest of his race is wholly aside from the merits of the question. Mr. Roosevelt would readily assent to the proposition that the political boss is an undesirable person. And yet he has set up Mr. Washington as the boss of ten millions, and commanded the rest to obey him on penalty of political disfavor. He has put at his disposal the means by which all bosses retain their influence – the persuasive power of public patronage. For where the patronage is, there the subserviency of the politician will be also. This policy is not calculated to teach the Negro the needed lesson in self-government and manly political activity.
Should succeeding administrations follow Mr. Roosevelt’s example in this regard the Negro would remain in perpetual thraldom to an intermediary boss set up at the whim or caprice of whoever happens to be president. We cannot hope that every administration will be as fortunate in its selection as Mr. Roosevelt has been. Contemplation of the continuance of such conditions is repugnant to every principle of manly American polities.
On December 16, 1907, thousands of cheering spectators jammed the shoreline of Hampton Roads, Virginia. They had come out to watch 16 snow-white battleships set sail on a historic around-the-world voyage.
The cruise of this Great White Fleet was President Theodore Roosevelt’s idea. He believed that the United States should “speak softly and carry a big stick.” He wanted all nations to know that the United States had become a mightly power. Because Japan was acting aggressively in the Pacific, Roosevelt was especially anxious to convince the Japanese that any attack on the Philippine Islands or other American territories would be a serious mistake.
The Great White Fleet’s mission was a huge success. The ships and their crews were welcomed enthusiastically everywhere, even in Japan. The impressive display of strength discouraged Japan from acting against American interests in the pacific and the United States was recognized throughout the world as a major naval power.
The Great White Fleet sailed more than 46,000 miles on its 14-month cruise.